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The Guardian - China-Anthony Albaneses China trip is historic but for Canberra not for Beijing

November 7, 2023   5 min   869 words

澳大利亚总理安东尼·阿尔班尼七年来首次访华,此举在中国的官方英语媒体上备受瞩目,但对北京而言,它的意义不如对堪培拉那么重大。虽然澳大利亚官员试图将此次历史性访问塑造成“双赢合作”的例子,但在分析师看来,此次访问更多地是为了解决中国视为可解决的问题。澳大利亚与中国的关系多年来一直紧张,但同时,中国国内和国际问题也在不断积聚。与美国的关系降至历史低点,与日本、菲律宾和韩国等盟友之间的关系也受到挑战,他们联合对抗中国在地区上的扩张。此外,中国与俄罗斯的联盟引发了重大问题,习近平国内还面临经济和失业问题,以及包括部长级别的政治丑闻。同时,中国正在全球舞台上追求权力,将中国打造为美国的负责任超级大国替代者,以及全球南方的领袖,包括那些代表共享阿尔班尼斯访问的国家。 从北京的角度来看,关键的紧张点包括澳大利亚禁止华为技术进入其5G网络、对中国在关键基础设施的投资表示怀疑、对新冠病毒起源调查提出笨拙的要求、批评中国的地区扩张和人权滥用,以及北京所称之为堪培拉对其全球竞争对手美国的盲目追随。对此,中国《中国日报》的一篇社论称,澳大利亚超出了可以接受的底线后,中国行使了“耐心和克制”。中国选择将责任归咎于前澳大利亚总理斯科特·莫里森和他的前任马尔科姆·特恩布尔,澳大利亚政府坚称双方关系不会回到过去,基本保持了相同的外交政策立场。 在阿尔班尼斯访华之前,一些贸易限制已经得到了放松或解除,作为妥协的一部分。关于此次会晤的关键问题是“这是否标志着北京对澳大利亚的强制手段的逆转,还是中国塑造澳中关系的政治和政策的长期游戏的一部分?”塔斯马尼亚大学的中国研究高级讲师马克·哈里森表示:“我认为这两者都成立,因为北京决定实施贸易制裁和外交压力可能被视为一种失败和对澳大利亚的误读,但北京现在试图最大限度地利用消除这些措施和结束其好战言论对其立场的利益。”尽管中国一直以来积极宣扬此次访问,但是否达到了预期的效果仍有待观察。 总的来说,这次访问在澳大利亚看来意义重大,但在中国看来,更多是一种权宜之计,为解决其中一个问题。双方关系依然复杂,而中国的外交策略更多是出于国内政治需要,而不是在国际事务中取得实际突破。对澳大利亚来说,与中国维持建设性的关系至关重要,但也需要保持警惕,确保其国家利益不受损害。

On Tuesday, Anthony Albanese made the front page of China’s official English-language state newspaper. So did the Cuban prime minister, Manuel Marrero Cruz, the Serbian prime minister, Ana Brnabic, and the South African deputy president, Paul Mashatile.

It was a sign of the importance of Albanese’s visit, but also a reminder that it’s not of the same significance in Beijing that it is in Canberra. The historic visit by Albanese to China this week was the first by an Australian prime minister in seven years. But analysts say the trip, which included a meeting between Albanese and the president, Xi Jinping, was more about clearing one problem Beijing saw as fixable from an increasingly full plate of dramas.

“[Albanese’s visit] was on China’s timing, but not its preferred terms,” the director of the Lowy Institute’s public opinion and foreign policy program, Ryan Neelam, said. “It was important to have one less problem in Australia, amid a whole host of problems.”

Relations with Australia have been frosty for years, but at the same time China’s domestic and international problems have mounted. Relations with the US are at historic lows, and attempts to repair fell alongside the Chinese spy balloon that US authorities shot out of the sky in February. It is becoming increasingly isolated from the West and its allies like Japan, the Philippines, and South Korea, who are banding together against Beijing’s growing regional aggression. Its alliance with Russia has caused major headaches, and domestically Xi is dealing with economic and unemployment troubles, and political scandals including at the ministerial level.

At the same time Xi is pursuing power on the global stage, setting up China as a responsible superpower alternative to the US and leader of the global south, including those nations whose representatives shared Albanese’s China Daily front page.

Key points of tension, from Beijing’s perspective, include the banning of Huawei technology from Australia’s 5G network, official suspicion of Chinese investment in critical infrastructure, a clumsy demand for a Covid-19 origins inquiry, criticism of China’s regional expansionism and human rights abuses, and what Beijing characterises as Canberra’s blind following of its global rival, the US.

On Sunday a China Daily editorial said Beijing – which hit Australia with trade tariffs and restrictions on wine, barley, lobster and other products which was estimated to cost Australia’s economy billions of dollars – had exercised “patience and restraint” after Australia went “beyond acceptable lines”.

The chosen narrative of Beijing had been to blame former prime ministers Scott Morrison in particular and his predecessor Malcolm Turnbull. The change of government in Australia provided a handy excuse for a restart of sorts, although Australia’s government has insisted that the relationship will not be returning to what it once was, and has largely maintained the same foreign policy approach.

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Some of the trade restrictions were eased or lifted as concessions ahead of Albanese’s visit. “The whole reason this meeting happened was that China decided it was no longer in its interest to be punishing Australia for a range of things,” said Neelam.

A key question about the meeting’s impact is “whether this is a reversal by Beijing on its coercive approach to Australia or part of a long game to shape the politics and policy of the Australia-China relationship,” said Mark Harrison, a senior lecturer in Chinese Studies at the University of Tasmania.

“I think it is both in the sense that Beijing’s decision to apply trade sanctions and diplomatic pressure might be seen as a failure and a misreading of Australia, but Beijing is now seeking to maximise the benefit to its position of removing those measures and ending its belligerent tone.”

Beijing’s primary desires from Australia – its support for China’s admission to the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), and a dialling back of its US alliance and Asia-Pacific engagement – are unlikely to eventuate.

“There are some areas they will be disappointed, the question is how they react when they don’t get what they want now, and how they react if they consistently don’t get what they want,” said Neelam.

So far China’s coverage of the visit has been unanimously positive. State media reports dutifully echoed official readouts from the Chinese Communist party and government, that the trip demonstrated “win-win cooperation”, an “opening up of the future” and the return of Australia to “the right path” to take bilateral relations forward after years of tension.

“China is very good at seizing the narrative,” said Neelam. “Domestically, which is what it cares about the most, it wouldn’t frame this as China not having achieved any of its objectives. It would see this as the Albanese government responding to pressure and coming back to the table and coming back to the right track and right way of thinking.”