纽约时报中文网 - 中英对照版-中英全社会动员中国展开大规模反间谍运动
September 4, 2023 8 min 1632 words
随手搬运西方主流媒体的所谓的民主自由的报道，让帝国主义的丑恶嘴脸无处遁形。
Beijing sees forces bent on weakening it everywhere: embedded in multinational companies, infiltrating social media, circling naïve students. And it wants its people to see them, too.
中国政府认为一心想削弱它的势力无处不在。它存在于跨国公司派驻中国的机构，渗入社交媒体，包围着天真的学生们。政府也想让中国人民看到这些势力。
Chinese universities require faculty to take courses on protecting state secrets, even in departments like veterinary medicine. A kindergarten in the eastern city of Tianjin organized a meeting to teach staffers how to “understand and use” China’s anti-espionage law.
中国的大学要求所有教师进行保密教育培训，甚至是兽医等学科的教师。天津市一家幼儿园组织教师学习，提高他们对中国的反间谍法“懂法、用法”的水平。
China’s Ministry of State Security, a usually covert department that oversees the secret police and intelligence services, has even opened its first social media account, as part of what official news media described as an effort at increasing public engagement. Its first post: a call for a “whole of society mobilization” against espionage.
中国负责秘密警察和情报部门、通常行动隐秘的国家安全部甚至开设了自己的首个社交媒体账号，官媒称这个做法是国安部提高公众参与努力的一部分。该账号发的第一个帖子就是“反间防谍需要全社会动员！”
“The participation of the masses,” the post said, should be “normalized.”
帖子写道，应该“形成人民群众参与反间谍工作的常态化机制”。
China’s ruling Communist Party is enlisting ordinary people to guard against perceived threats to the country, in a campaign that blurs the line between vigilance and paranoia. The country’s economy is facing its worst slowdown in years, but China’s authoritarian leader, Xi Jinping, appears more fixated on national security and preventing threats to the party’s control.
中国执政的共产党正在动员普通民众防范国家所面临的威胁，这场运动模糊了警惕和偏执之间的界限。中国经济正面临多年来最严重的放缓，但中国的威权领导人习近平似乎更关注国家安全和防止党的控制受到威胁。
“We must be prepared for worst-case and extreme scenarios,” Mr. Xi told China’s National Security Commission in May. He called on officials to “enhance real-time monitoring” and “get prepared for actual combat.”
“要坚持底线思维和极限思维，”习近平今年5月在他主持召开的中央国家安全委员会会议上说。他要求官员们做好“实时监测”，“突出实战实用鲜明导向”。
The sense of urgency may be heightened by the fact that Beijing is confronting some of its biggest challenges since Mr. Xi’s ascension more than a decade ago. Beyond the economic gloom, China’s relations with the West are increasingly tense. And unexplained personnel changes at the highest tiers of power — including the sudden removal in July of China’s foreign minister and two high-ranking generals — suggest that Mr. Xi may have feared threats to his control.
In July, China revised its anti-espionage law to broaden an already sweeping scope of activities that it regards as spying. It is offering rewards of tens of thousands of dollars to people who report spies.
中国今年7月修订了《反间谍法》，扩大了被政府视为间谍活动的行为范围，向举报间谍的人给予人民币10万元以上的奖励。
While the call for mass vigilance has inspired widespread caution, it is unclear to what extent that is translating to action on the ground. In the last month, the authorities have announced the capture of at least four spies, including two men recruited by the C.I.A., but some of the cases appeared to be old ones belatedly announced, such as a married couple arrested in 2019.
尽管呼吁公众提高警惕已引发了社会上的广泛警觉，但这在多大程度上已化为实际行动尚不可知。当局上月宣布抓获了至少四名间谍，包括两名被美国中央情报局招募的男子，但有些案件似乎是最近才公开的旧案，例如2019年被捕的一对夫妇。
The authorities also said earlier this year that they had sentenced an American citizen to life in prison for espionage, and they arrested a high-ranking Chinese newspaper editor while he was dining with a Japanese diplomat. (The editor’s family has called the charges trumped up.)
当局今年早些时候还宣布以间谍罪判处一名美国公民无期徒刑，并逮捕了一家中国报纸的高级编辑，他是在与一名日本外交官一起吃饭时被逮捕的。（这名编辑的家人称政府对他的指控莫须有。）
“The push reflects the profound legitimacy challenges and crisis that the regime is facing,” said Chen Jian, a professor of modern Chinese history at New York University. Professor Chen said the call to mass action bore echoes of the sweeping campaigns that Mao Zedong unleashed in part to consolidate his own power. The most notable was the Cultural Revolution, a decade-long period of chaos and bloodshed when Chinese leaders urged people to report on their teachers, neighbors or even families as “counterrevolutionaries.”
“开展反间谍运动反映出中共政权面临着深刻的合法性挑战和危机，”纽约大学的中国现代史教授陈兼说。他表示，呼吁搞群众运动有点像毛泽东为巩固个人权力发起大规模运动，其中最引人注目的是文化大革命。毛泽东的打击对象是“反革命分子”，他号召全国人民举报他们的老师、邻居甚至家人，长达十年的“文革”让中国陷入混乱和流血。
Chinese society would not be as easily stirred into a mob frenzy now, given how the country has modernized, Professor Chen noted. And China does have grounds for wariness: The C.I.A. director, William Burns, said recently that America was rebuilding its spy network in China.
陈兼指出，考虑到中国现在已比那时更现代化，让全社会陷入暴民般的狂热不会那么容易。而且，中国确实有理由保持警惕：中情局长威廉·伯恩斯最近说，美国正在重建中国的间谍网。
Nor is China alone in adopting increasingly dire warnings about foreign influence. Some have warned that Washington is fanning a new Red Scare, such as through the Justice Department’s now-scrapped China Initiative targeting academics. The United States and other Western countries are also working to restrict access to TikTok, the Chinese-owned short video app, citing security concerns.
中国也不是对外国的影响发出越来越严厉警告的唯一国家。一些人已对华盛顿正在煽动新的红色恐慌发住警告，例子包括司法部针对学者、现已终止的“中国行动计划”。美国及其他西方国家也出于安全考虑，正在努力限制人们使用TikTok，这是一款中国公司拥有的短视频应用程序。
But China’s approach stands out for its scale and ubiquity.
但中国反间谍运动的规模和无所不在引人注目。
On high-speed trains, a video on loop warns passengers to be careful when taking photos for social media, in case they capture sensitive information. In government offices where residents file routine paperwork, posters remind them to “build a people’s defensive line.”
中国高铁上循环播放的视频警告乘客，拍照片发到社交媒体上时要小心，不要无意中泄露敏感信息。居民办理日常事务的政府机构墙上贴着提醒他们“筑牢国家安全人民防线”的海报。
One local government in Yunnan Province published a video of men and women in the traditional dress of the Yi, an ethnic group there, dancing and singing cheerily about China’s national security law.
云南省一个地方政府发了一段穿着彝族传统服装的男男女女欢歌起舞宣传中国国家安全法的视频。
“Those who don’t report will be prosecuted. Covering crimes will lead to jail,” the performers sang as they fanned out in a circle, the women fluttering their bright yellow, blue and red skirts.
“知情不报法追究。包庇罪犯要坐牢。”表演者们边唱边跳，女演员们摇动着她们色彩鲜艳的黄蓝红色裙子。
Other forms of anti-espionage education are more formal. The National Administration of State Secrets Protection runs an app with an online course on secret-keeping, which many universities and companies have ordered their staff to complete. The first lesson opens with a quotation from Mao Zedong on the importance of confidentiality; a later one warns that iPhones and Android devices are foreign products and may be vulnerable to manipulation.
其他形式的反间谍教育更为正规。国家保密局已开设了保密教育线上培训，可通过手机登录培训系统，许多大学和公司已要求员工接受这项培训。第一课以毛泽东关于保密重要性的语录开始；后面还有一课警告人们，iPhone和Android设备都是外国产品，可能易受操纵。
Even groups that seem to have little to do with national security have been recruited. A sports education department at a university in Shandong Province ordered faculty to take the online course; so did a college of veterinary medicine in the city of Guangzhou.
One hotel, in the seaside city of Yantai, usually advertises beach getaways and dinner deals in its social media posts. But last October, it published an infographic about the groups the security ministry had deemed most at risk of co-optation by foreign enemies. They included people who had studied abroad and “young internet users.”
海滨城市烟台的一家酒店通常在其社交媒体账号上发关于海滩度假和晚餐优惠的广告。但去年10月，该酒店在社交媒体上发了一个信息图表，教育大家哪些人群被国安部认为最有可能受外敌利用，其中包括留学生和“年轻网友”。
Young Chinese are an area of particular concern, especially after widespread protests last year against China’s harsh Covid restrictions. Some participants were college students who had been locked down on their campuses for months. And now many young people face a spate of other problems, including record unemployment.
年轻的中国人是政府特别关注的群体，尤其是在去年发生了针对严厉的“新冠清零”限制措施的广泛抗议之后。一些参加抗议活动的人是被封在校园长达几个月的大学生。现在，许多年轻人面临着各种其他问题，包括创纪录的失业率。
But the authorities have attributed discontent to outside instigators. After last year’s protests, a Chinese official said attendees had been “bought by external forces.”
但当局将人们的不满归咎于外部煽动者。去年发生抗议活动之后，一名中国官员说，参加者“已被外部势力收买”。
Chinese academics are still pushing that idea. At a conference on international relations organized by Beijing’s prestigious Tsinghua University in July, one scholar suggested that the protesters had fallen prey to “cognitive and ideological manipulation” by countries including the United States. Such efforts by “hidden forces” were growing harder to detect, said the professor, Han Na, from People’s Public Security University, the country’s top police academy.
中国学者仍在坚持这个说法。今年7月，在北京著名的清华大学组织的一次国际关系论坛上，一名学者暗示，参加抗议活动的人已成为美国及其他国家进行“认知和意识形态操纵”的牺牲品。“隐藏势力”的这种努力已越来越难被发现，中国最高警察学院人民公安大学的教授韩娜说。
“Some call them spies, some call them special operations. They’re the people among us who are from some special departments.”
“有人称他们为间谍，有人称他们为特种部队。他们是我们当中一些特殊部门的人。”
She added: “That’s why we have our current problem.”
她补充道：“这就是我们当前问题的原因。”
Part of the authorities’ solution is teaching young people to be more on guard. Mr. Xi has called for expanding national security education, and universities have created squads of students tasked with reporting people who, among other things, use overseas websites.
当局的部分解决问题是教育年轻人提高警惕。习近平已要求扩大国家安全教育，大学已建立了学生信息员制度，学生信息员负责举报有不良行为（包括访问海外网站）的人。
But the constant exhortations also remind students that they, too, are being watched. University students in Beijing have been questioned by the police or administrators for exchanging messages with New York Times journalists — in at least two cases, before any article had been published.
但不断的告诫也提醒学生，他们也正在受到监视。北京的大学生因与《纽约时报》记者通微信已受到警方或校方管理人员的讯问，这种情况已至少发生过两次，而且都是在报道发表之前。
Perhaps the central effect — or goal — of the campaign has been to make even the slightest connection to foreigners grounds for suspicion. That has extended to cultural fields where exchange has historically been richest.
也许这场运动的核心结果——或目标——就是要让与外国人有联系成为被怀疑的理由，哪怕是最微不足道的联系。这已经影响到文化领域，传统上在这个领域的交流最为丰富。
Some academics have stopped meeting with foreigners. Venues across China have canceled performances by foreign musicians.
一些学者已不再与外国人见面。中国各地的文化场馆已取消了外国音乐家的演出。
The cancellations surged in May, amid a crackdown on cultural events deemed out of step with the party’s agenda. But months later, scrutiny remains intense, said Brian Offenther, an American D.J. in Shanghai. In one week in August, venues in three different cities told him they could not host him. One said that the police had threatened to shut down the venue if a foreigner performed, according to a chat screenshot Mr. Offenther shared. Another said simply, in English: “It is not the right time for foreign D.J.”
今年5月取消的文化活动数量激增，当时国内正在压制被认为与中共议程不符的文化活动。但几个月后，审查仍然严格，在上海工作的美国DJ布莱恩·奥芬瑟说。仅在今年8月一周内，就有三个不同城市的场馆告诉他不能来表演。一个场馆告诉他，如果外国人来表演的话，警方已威胁要关闭场馆，据奥芬瑟与记者分享的聊天截图。另一场馆只给他发来一条简短的英文信息：“现在不是外国DJ来表演的时候。”
Beijing has not issued any clear directives about contact with foreigners; it maintains that China remains open, lauding the importance of foreign investment. But the signals are contradictory. This spring, the authorities raided or questioned the offices of several American consulting and advisory firms, accusing one of trying to obtain state secrets through Chinese experts it hired.
中国政府还没有发布任何关于与外国人接触的明确指示；政府坚称中国保持对外开放，赞扬外国投资的重要性。但政府的信号是矛盾的。今年春天，当局对几家美国咨询公司的在华办公室进行了突击搜查或询问，指控其中一家试图通过其聘请的中国专家获取国家机密。
Even sharing a name with a foreign organization can invite scrutiny, as a volunteer group in Guangzhou found out when they were forced to cancel a speaker conference scheduled for August under the name TEDxGuangzhou.
就连活动与外国组织的名字有相同之处也会引起审查者的注意，这就是广州市一个志愿者团体遇到的情况，该团体被迫取消了原定今年8月举行的TEDxGuangzhou演讲大会。
TED, the U.S.-based company known for speaker showcases, allows groups to use the TEDx branding for free, and the Guangzhou group had no other affiliation with it, the organizers said in a statement. TEDx conferences have taken place in Guangzhou since 2009. Still, the police said this year that the volunteers could not proceed unless they registered as a foreign nongovernmental organization.
TED是一家美国公司，以把演讲者提供给公众而闻名，TED允许其他团体免费使用TEDx品牌，广州活动的组织者在一份声明中说，除了使用TEDx外，与美国的TED公司没有其他关系。TEDx演讲会自2009年起一直在广州举行。尽管如此，警方今年说，该志愿者团体必须先注册为外国非政府组织，才能继续举办活动。
Some Chinese have reacted skeptically to the call for constant vigilance.
一些中国人对不断保持警惕的要求做出了怀疑的反应。
When an airport in Hunan Province recently banned Teslas from its parking lots, arguing the American company’s cars could be used for spying, some social media commenters asked whether Boeing jets should be banned too. Even Hu Xijin, the retired editor of Global Times, a nationalist party tabloid, wrote online that it was worrisome that academics he knew were avoiding foreigners.
湖南省一个机场最近禁止特斯拉汽车进入机场停车场，理由是这家美国公司的汽车可能被用于间谍活动。一些社交媒体评论者问道，是否也应该禁止波音飞机。就连中共旗下的民族主义小报《环球时报》的退休编辑胡锡进也在网上写道，他认识的学者正在回避外国人，这令人担忧。
But officials have brushed off concerns. In an editorial about the call for mass mobilization, Global Times said it was critics who were the paranoid ones.
但官员们对担忧不予理睬。《环球时报》在一篇关于动员群众反间谍的社评中写道，批评动员的人患有被迫害妄想症。
“If you haven’t done anything wrong,” it said, “why are you so scared?”
“如果你没做过什么亏心事，怎么会吓成这样？”社评问道。